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- From the Atlantic Monthly, October, 1866. 



E. r. Miii-klfv ,t Smi, Printers. 422 Litmirv Sticet. Pliilji, 



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THE USURPATION. 

[From the "AiJantic Montlihj," Oct. 186G.) 

There are three passions to which public men are especially exposed, — 
fear, hatred, and ambition. Mr. Johnson is the victim and slave of all ■5 
and, unhappily for himself, and unfortunately for the country, there is no 
ground for hope that he will ever free himself from their malign influence. 

It is a common report, and a common report founded upon the state- 
ments of those best acquainted with the President, that he lives in con- 
tinual fear of personal harm, and that he anticipates hostile Congressional 
' action in an attempt to impeach him and deprive him of his oiiice. He 
best of all men knows whether he is justly liable to impeachment ; and he 
ought to know that Congress cannot proceed to impeach him, unless the 
offences or misdemeanors charged and proved are of such gravity as to 
justify the proceeding in the eyes of the country and the world. 

There is nothing vindictive or harsh in the American character. The 
forbearance of the American people is a subject of wonder, if it is not a 
theme for encomium. They have assented to the pardon of many of the 
most prominent Rebels ; they have seen the authors of the war restored to 
citizenship, to the possession of their property, and even to the enjoyment 
of patronage and power in the government ; and finally, they have been 
compelled, through the policy of the President, to submit to the dictation, 
and in some sense to the control, of the men whom they so recently met 
and vanquished upon the field of battle. The testimony of Alexander H. 
Stephens everywhere suggests, and in many particulars exactly expresses, 
the policy of the President. 

Mr. Stephens asserts that the States recently in rebellion were alwa\-s 
entitled to representation in the Congress of the United States ; and Mr. 
Johnson must accept the same position; for, if the right were once lost, it 
is impossible to suggest how or when it was regained. It is also known 
that, while the Johnston-Sherman negotiations were pending, Mr. Davis 
received written opinions from two or more persons who were then with 
him, and acting as members of his Cabinet, upon the very question in dis- 
pute between Congress and Mr. Johnson, — the rights of the then rebellious 
States in the government of the United States. These opinions set up and 
maintained the doctrine that the Rebel States would be at once entitled to 
representation in the government of the country, upon the ratification or 
adoption of the pending negotiations. It may not be just to say that the 
President borrowed his policy from Richmond ; but it is both just and true 

(1) 



2 THE USUKPATION. 

to say that the leaders of the Rebellion have been incapable of suggesting 
a public policy more advantageous to themselves than that which he has 
adopted. The President knows that the people have been quiet and im- 
partial observers of these proceedings ; that the House of Representatives 
has never in public session, nor in any of its caucuses or committees, con- 
sidered or proposed any measure looking to his impeachment. 

The grounds of his fear are known only to himself; but its existence 
exerts a controlling influence over his private and public conduct. 

Associated with this fear, and probably springing from it, is an intense 
hatred of nearly all the recognized leaders of the party by which ho was 
nominated and elected to office. Evidence upon this point is not needed. 
He has exhibited it in a manner and to a degree more uncomfortable to his 
friends than to his enemies, in nearly every speech that he has made, com- 
mencing with that delivered on the 22d of February last. r 

Superadded to these passions, which promise so much of woe to Mr. 
Johnson and to the country, is an inordinate, unscrupulous, and unreason- 
ing ambition. To one theme the President is always constant, — to one 
idea he is always true, — " He has filled every ofllce, from that of alderman 
of a village to the Presidency of the United States." He does not forget, 
nor does he permit the world to forget, this fact. In some form of language, 
and in nearly every speech, he assures his countrymen that he either is, or 
ought to be, satisfied with this measure of success. But have not his own 
reflections, or some over-kind friend, suggested that he has never been 
elected President of the United States? and that there yet remains the 
attainment of this one object of ambition ? 

Inauguration day, 18G5, will be regarded as one of the saddest days in 
American annals. We pass over its incidents ; but it was fraught with an 
evil suggestion to our enemies, and it must have been followed by a firm 
conviction in the mind of Mr. Johnson that he could not thereafter enjoy 
the confidence of the mass of the Republican party of the country. Ho 
foresaw that they Avould abandon him, and he therefore made hot haste to 
abandon them. And, indeed, it must be confessed that there was scarcely 
more inconsistency in that cour.se on his part, than there would have been 
in continuing his connection with the men who had elected him. His 
nomination for the Yice-Presideucy was an enthusiastic tribute to his 
Union sentiments ; beyond a knowledge of those, the Convention neither 
had nor desired to have any information. Mr. Johnson was and is a 
Union man ; but he was not an anti-slavery man upon principle. He was 
a Southern State-Rights man. He looked upon the national government 
as a necessity, and the exercise of any powers on its part as a danger. 
His political training was peculiar. He had carried on a long war with 
slaveholders,* but he had never made war- upon slavery. He belonged to 
the poor white class. In his own language he was a plebeian. The slave- 
holdt^rs were the patricians. He desired that all the white men of Tennes- 
see, especially, and of the whole South, should be of one class, ^all slave- 
holders, — all patricians, if that were possible ; and he himself, for a time, 
became one. Failing in this, he was satisfied when all became non-slave- 



THE USURPATION. g 

holders, and the patrician class ceased to exist. ll(!nce, as far as Mr. 
Johnson's opinions and purposes are concerned, the Avar has accomplished 
everything for which it was undertaken. The Union has been preserved, 
and the patrician class has been broken down. 

Naturally, Mr. Johnson is satisfied. On the one hand he has no sym- 
pathy with the opinion that the negro is a man and ought to be a citizen, 
and that he should be endowed with the rights of a man and a citizen • 
and, on the other hand, he shares not in the desire of the North to limit 
the representation of the South so that there shall be equality among the 
white men of the country. lie is anxious rather to increase the political 
strength of the South. He fears the growing power of the North. The 
same apprehension which drove Calhoun into nullilication, and Davis, 
Stephens, and others into rebellion and civil war, now impels Mr. Johnson 
to urge the country to adopt his policy, which secures to the old slave- 
holding States an eighth of the political power of the nation, to which 
they have no just title whatever. To the North this is a more flagrant 
political injustice than was even the institution of slavery. He once 
expressed equal hostility towards Massachusetts and South Carolina, and 
desired that they should be cut off from the main land and lashed together 
in the wide ocean. The President appears to be reconciled to South Caro- 
lina ; but if the hostility he once entertained to the two States had been 
laid upon Massachusetts alone, he ought to have felt his vengeance satis- 
fied when her representatives entered the Philadelphia Convention arm in 
arm with the representatives of South Carolina, assuming only, what is 
not true, that the sentiment of Massachusetts was represented in that Con- 
vention. As a perfect illustration of the President's policy, two men from 
Massachusetts should have been assigned to each member from South 
Carolina, as foreshowing the future relative power of the Avhite men of the 
two States in the government of the country. The States of the North 
and West will receive South Carolina and the other Pvcbel States as equals 
in political power and rights, whenever those States are controlled by 
loyal men ; but they are enemies to justice, to equality, and to the peace of 
the country who demand the recognition of the llebel States upon the 
unequal basis of the existing Constitution. 

Of these enemies to justice, equality, and the peace of the country, the 
President is the leader and the chief ; and as such leader and chief he is no 
longer entitled to support, confidence, or even personal respect. lie has 
seized upon all the immense patronage of this government, and avowed his 
purpose to use it for the restoration of the Pvebel States to authority, 
regardless of the rights of the people of the loyal States. He has thus be- 
come the ally of the Rebels, and the open enemy of the loyal white men of 
the country. The President, and those associated with him in this unholy 
project, cannot but know that the recognition of the ten disloyal States 
renders futile every attempt to equalize representation in Congress. The 
assent of three-fourths of the States, is necessary to the ratification of an 
amendment to the Constitution. The fifteen old Slave States are largely 
interested in the present system, and they will not consent^ voluntarily to a 



4 THE USURPATION. 

change. The question between the President unci Congress is then this : 
Shall the ten States be at once recognized. — thus securing to the old Slave 
States thirty Representatives and thirty electoral votes to Avhich they have 
no title ; or shall they be required to accept, as a condition precedent, an 
amendment to the Constitution which provides an equal system of repre- 
sentation for the whole country ? It is not enough, in the estimation of 
the President, that the loyal people should receive these enemies of the 
Union and murderers of their sons and brothers as equals, but he demands 
a recognition of their superiority and permanent rule in the government 
by a voluntary tender of an eighth of the entire representative force of the 
republic. When before Avere such terms ever exacted of the conqueror in 
behalf of the conquered ? If the victorious Xorth had demanded of the 
vanquished South a surrender of a part of its representative power in the 
government, as a penalty for its treason, that demand would have been 
sustained upon the principles of justice, although the proceeding would 
have been unwise as a measure of public policy. As it is, the victorious 
Xorth only demands equality for itself, while it ofiers equality to the van- 
quished South. Was there ever a policy more just, wise, reasonable, and 
magnanimous ? 

Yet the President rejects this policy, deserts the loyal men of the Noith 
by whom he was elected, conspires with the traitors in the loyal States 
and the Rebels of the disloyal States for the humiliation, the degradation, 
the political enslavement of the loyal people of the country. And this is 
the second great conspiracy against liberty, against equality, against the 
peace of the country, against the permanence of the American Union ; and 
of this conspiracy the President is the leader and the chief, l^iov can he 
defend himself by sa3'ing that he desires to preserve the Constitution as it 
was, for he himself has been instrumental in securing an important altera- 
tion. " The Constitution as it was" has passed away, and by the aid of 
Mr. Johnson. 

IS'or can he say that he is opposed to exacting conditions precedent ; for 
he made the ratilication of the anti-slavery amendment a condition prece- 
dent to his own recognition of their existence as States clothed with 
'authority. Thus is he wholly without proper excuse for his conduct. ]!^or 
can he assert that the Rebel States are, and ever ha*'c been, States of the 
Union, and always and ever entitled to representation and without condi- 
tions ; for then is he guilt}' of impeachable ofl'ences in demanding of them 
the ratification of the constitutional' amendment, in dictating a policy to 
the Southern States, in organizing provisional governments, in inaugurating 
constitutional conventions, in depriving oQicers elected or appointed by 
authority of those States of their offices, and, in fine, in assuming to him- 
self supreme authority over that whole region of country for a long period 
of time. Thus his only defence of his present policy contains an admission 
that he has usurped power, that he has violated the Constitution, that he 
is guilty of ofleuces for which he ought to be impeached. Thus do the 
suggestions which the President tenders as his defence furnish conclusive 
evidence that his conduct is wholly indeieusible. 



THE USURPATION". 5 

While then the President cannot defend his conduct, it is possible for 
others to explain it. 

Its explanation may be found in some one or in several of the following 
propositions : 

1. That the Rebel leaders have acquired a control over the President 
through the power of some circumstance not known to the public, which 
enables them to dictate a policy to him. 

2. That he fears impeachment, and consequently directs all his efforts 
to secure more than a third of the Senate, so as to render a conviction 
impossible. 

3. That he seeks a re-election, and purposes to make the South a unit in 
his favor, as the nucleus around which the Democratic party of the North 
nmst gather in 1868. 

4. That he desires to reinstate the South as the controlling force in the 
government of the country. 

In reference to the first proposition, we are restricted to the single remark, 
that it is not easy to imagine the Rebels capable of making any demand 
upon the Executive which, in his present state of mind, he would not be 
prepared to grant. He has pardoned many of the leaders and principal 
men of the rebellion, and some of them he has appointed to office. Ho has 
resisted every attempt on the part of Congress to furnish protection to the 
loyal men of the South ; and he has witnessed and discussed the bloody 
horrors of Memphis and New Orleans with cold-blooded indifference. Early 
in his term of office he offered an immense reward for the person of Jeffer- 
son Davis ; and now that the accused has bepn in the official custody of 
the President, as the head of the army, for more than fifteen months, he 
lias neither proclaimed his innocence and set him at liberty, nor subjected 
him to trial according to the laws of the land. Davis is guilty of the crime 
of treason. Of this there can be no doubt. He is indicted in one judicial 
district. The President holds the prisoner by military authority ; and the 
accused cannot be arraigned before the civil tribunals. Davis was charged 
by the President with complicity in the assassination of Mr. Lincoln. 
There is much evidence tending to sustain the charge ; but the accused is 
neither subjected to trial by a military commission, nor turned over to the 
civil tribunals of the country. These acts are offences against justice ; they 
arc offences against the natural and legal rights of the accused, however 
guilty he may be ; they are offences against the honor of the American 
))Oople ; they are acts in violation of the Constitution. If the elections of 
18(](') are favorable to the President, they will be followed by the release of 
Davis, and the country will see the end of this part of the plot. 

Upon any view of the President's case, it is evident that he has thrown 
himself into the arms of the South, and that his personal and political 
fortunes are identified with Southern success in the coming contest. He 
claims to stand upon the Baltimore Platform of 1864, and to follow in the 
footsteps of President Lincoln. The enemies of President Lincoln are 
reconciled to this assumption, by the knowledge that Mr. Johnson's coun- 
sellers are the Seymours, Yallandigham, Yoorhces, and the Woods. Mr. 



b THE USURPATION. 

Johnson, under these evil influences of opinion and counsel, has succeeded 
in producing a division of parties in this country con-esponding substan- 
tially to the division which Demosthenes says existed in Greece when 
Philip was engaged in his machinations for the overthrow of the liberties 
of that country. " All Greece is now divided into two parties ; — the one 
composed of those who desire neither to exercise nor to be subject to 'arbi- 
trary power, but to enjoy the benefits of liberty, laws, and independence ; 
the other, of those who, while they aim at an absolute command of their 
fellow-citizens, are themselves the vassals of another person, by whose 
means the}"- hope to obtain their purposes." 

The Republican party desires liberty, independence, and equal laws for 
all people ; the Presidential party seeks to oppress the negro race, to degrade 
the white race of the K'orth by depriving every man of his due share in 
the government of the country, and, finally, to subject all the interests -of 
the Republic to the caprice, policy, and passions of its enemies. 

The Presidential party is composed of traitors in the South who had the 
courage to fight, of traitors in the North who had not the courage or oppor- 
tunity to assail their government, of a small number of persons who would 
follow the fortunes of any army if they could be permitted to glean the 
offal of the camp, and a j-et smaller number who are led to believe that 
any system of adjustment is better than a continuance of the contest. 

The Presidential party controls the patronage :)f the government ; and 
it will be used without stint in aid of the scheme to which the President 
is devoted. 

It only remains to be seen whether the courage, capacity, and virtue of 
the people are adequate to the task of overthrowing and crushing the con- 
spiracy in its new form, and under the guidance of its new allies. The 
Republican party carries on the contest against heavy odds, and with the 
fortunes of the country staked upon the result. 

One hundred and ninety-one men have been recognized as members of 
the present House of Representatives. There are fifty vacancies from the 
ten unrecognized States ; consequently a full House contains two hundred 
and forty-one members. One hundred and twenty-one are a majority', — a 
quorum for business, if every State were represented. Of the present 
House, it is estimated that forty-six members are supporters of the Presi- 
dent's policy. If to these we add the fifty members from the ten States, 
the Presidential party would number ninety-six, or twenty-five only less 
than a majority of a fall House. No view can be taken of the present 
House of Representatives more favorable to the Republican party, — pos- 
sibly the President's force should be increased to fort3--eight men. It is 
worthy of observation that neither the Philadelphia Convention nor the 
President has breathed the hope that the Republicans can be deprived of 
a majority of the members from the loyal States. The scheme is to elect 
seventy-one or more men from the loyal States, and then resort to revo- 
lutionary proceedings for consummation of the plot. The practical ques- 
tion — the question on which the fortunes of the country depend — is, 
Will the people aid in the execution of the plot contrived for their own 



THE USURPATION. 7 

I'uiu ? Upon the face of things, we should say that it is highly improbable 
that the new party can malre any important gains ; indeed, it seems most 
improbable that the President can survive the effect of his own speeches. 
But we must remember that he is supported by the whole Democratic, 
party, and that party cast a large vote in 1864, and that in 18G2 the 
Republican majority in the House was reduced to about twenty. 

In the Thirty-eighth Congress the Democratic party had ten or fifteen 
more votes, than are now needed to secure the success of the present plot. 
To be sure, the elections of 1862 occurred at the darkest period of the 
war. The 3^oung men of the Republican party were in the army, and but 
a small number of them had an opportunity to vote. There was still hope 
that a peace could be made through the agency of the Democratic party. 
These circumstances were all unfavorable to the cause of the patriots. 

The Democratic party is now weaker than ever before. Its identity 
with the Rebellion is better understood. The young men of the country, 
in the proportion of three to one, unite themselves with the Republican 
party As an organization, considered b}^ itself, the Democratic party is 
utterly powerless and hopeless. 

The defection of Mr. Johnson, however, inspires the leaders with fresh 
rourage. It is possible for them to enjoy the patronage of the government 
for two years at least, and it is barely possible for them to secure the recog- 
nition of the ten Rebel States, or, in other equivalent words, the ten Demo- 
cratic States, to the Union. 

This combination is formidable ; but its dangerous nature is due to the 
facts that Mr. Seward's name and means of influence are still powerful in 
the State of New York, and that he has joined himself to the new party, 
and become an instrument in the hands of designing men for the organi- 
zation of another Rebellion. Outside of Ncav York Mr. Johnson's gains 
in the elections will be so small that the Union majority will remain sub- 
stantially as in the present Congress ; nor can we conceive that the gains 
in that State will be adequate to the necessities of the conspirators. It is 
probable that the undertaking will prove a failure ; but it should never be 
forgotten that the country is in peril ; that it is in peril in consequence of 
the uncertain political character of the State of New York ; and that that 
uncertain character is justly attributable to the conduct of Mr. Seward. 
If, then, Mr. Johnson succeed in the attempt to change the character of 
this government by setting aside the Congress of the loyal States, Mr. 
Seward will be responsible, equally with Mr. Johnson, for the crime. 

Reverting to the statement already made, that neither Mr. Johnson nor 
any of his supporters can even, hope to secure a majority of the members 
elected from the States represented in the present Congress, it only remains 
for us to consider more specifically the scheme of revolution and usurpation 
in which these desperate men are engaged. The necessary preliminary 
condition is the election of seventy-one members of Congress from the 
twenty-six States. To these will be added fifty persons from the ten 
UDrepresented States, making one hundred and twenty-one, or a majority 
of Congress if all the States were represented. This accomplished, the 
way onward is comparatively easy. 



8 THE USURPATION. 

AVheii the Tliirty-niuth Congress reassembles in December next, Mr. 
Johnson and his Cabinet may refuse to recognize its existence, or, recog- 
nizing it as a matter of form, deny its legitimate authority. 

He would summon the members of the Fortieth Congress to assemble 
in extra session immediately after the 4th of March. Fifty persons would 
appear claiming seats as representatives from the ten States. The Re- 
publicans would deny their right to seats, — the supporters of the Presi- 
dent would maintain it. The supporters of the President, aided directly 
or indirectly by the army and police, would take possession of the hall, 
remove the Clerk, and organize the assembly by force. 

Whether this could be done without bloodshed in Washington and else- 
where in the North remains to be seen ; but as far as relates to the organi- 
zation of the House, there can be no doubt of the success of the under- 
taking. We should then see a united South, with the President at the 
head, and a divided North; — the army, the navy, the treasury, in the 
hands of the Kebels. This course is the necessity of Mr. Johnson's 
opinions and position. It is the natural result of the logic of the llebels 
of the South, and of the Democratic party of the North. Mr. Johnson 
believes that the present Congress intends to impeach him and remove him 
from oifice. Admit that this fear is groundless, yet, if he entertains it, he 
will act as he would act if such were the purpose of the two Houses. 
Hence he must destroy the authority of Congress. Hence ho arraigns its 
members as traitors. Hence he made the significant, revolutionary, and 
startling remark, in his reply to Reverdy Johnson as the organ of the 
Philadelphia Convention : " We Jiave seen hanging upon the verge of the 
government, as it xeere, a body called, orivhich assumed to be, the Congress 
of the United States, but in fact a Congress of only a part of the States.''^ 
This is a distinct, specific denial of the right of Congress to exist, to act, 
to legislate for the country. It is an impeachment of all our public doings 
since the opening of the war, — of all our legislation since the departure 
of Davis and his associates from Washington. It is an admission of the 
doctrine of Secession ; for if the departure of Davis and his associates 
rendered null and void the authority of Congress, then the government, 
and of course the Union, ceased to exist. The constitutional amendment 
aliolishing slavery is void ; the loan-acts and the tax-acts are without 
authority; every fine collected of an offender was robbery; and every 
penalty inflicted upon a criminal was itself a crime. The President may 
console himself with the reflection that upon these points he is fully sup- 
ported by Alexander H. Stephens, late Vice-President of the so-called 
Confederacy. 

We quote from the report of his examination before the Committee on 
Reconstruction. 

''Question. Do you mean to be understood, in your last answer, that 
there is no constitutional power in the government, as at present organized, 
to exact conditions precedent to the restoration to political power of the 
eleven States that have been in rebellion? 

'' Arisirer. That is my opinion. 



THE USURPATION. 9 

•'Question. Assume that Congress shall, at this session, in the absence 
of Senators and Representatives from the eleven States, pass an act levy- 
ing taxes upon all the people of the United States, including the eleven, is 
it your opinion that such an act would be constitutional ? 

'■Answer. I should doubt if it would be. It would certainly, in my 
'jpinion, be manifestly unjust, and against all ideas of American represen- 
lative government." 

Thus it is seen that these two authorities concur in opinion ; although 
it must be confessed that the late Yice-President of the so-called Confederate 
States in urbanity of manner and in the art of diplomacy far sui-passes the 
late Yice-President (as Mr. Johnson, if his logic does not fail him, must 
soon say) of the so-called United States. 

Having thus impeached the existing Congress and denied its authority, 
the way is clear for the organization of a Congress into which members 
fi'om the ten States now excluded shall be admitted. 

Representatives who do not concur in these proceedings will have only 
the alternative of taking seats among the usurpers, and thus recognizing 
their authority, or of absenting themselves and appealing to the people. 
The latter course would be war, — civil war, with all the powers of the 
government, for the time being, in the hands of the usurpers. The absent- 
I iug members would be treated as Rebels, and any hostile organization 
would be regarded as treasonable. Thus would the Rebels be installed in 
power, and engaged in conducting a war against the people of the IS'orth 
and "West. 

If, on the other hand, the representatives from the "West and Xorth 

should deem it wiser to accept the condition, and await an opportunity to 

appeal to the country, how degrading and humiliating their condition ! 

They might for a time endure it ; but finally the people of the JSTorth would 

rise in their might, and renew the war with spirit and power, and prosecute 

i it until the entire Rebel element of the country should be exterminated. 

; The success of Mr. Johnson in the elections is then to be followed by a 

j usurpation and civil war. It means this, or it means nothing. The inci- 

j dents of the usurpation would be, first, that the old- Slave States would 

I secure thirty Representatives in Congress, and thirty electoral votes, or an 

; eighth of the government, to which they have no title whatever unless the 

negroes should be enfranchised, of which there would be then no probability ; 

and, secondly, that two white men in the South would possess the political 

power of three white men in the North. The results of the usurpation 

would be strife and civil war in the North, and, finally, the overthrow of 

the usurpers by force, to be followed, possibly, by an exterminating war 

against the Rebel population of the South. 

Already has one of Mr. Johnson's agents announced the usurpation in 
substance, and tendered to the country a defence in advance of the com- 
mission of the crime. The defence is simple and logical. Congress re- * 
fuses to receive the members from ten States. Those States have the same 
immediate right of representation as the other States. Congress is, there- 
fore, a revolutionary body. Any proceeding which secures the right of all 



10 THE USURPATION. 

the States to be represented immediately is a constitutional proceeding. 
This is intelligible. Alexander H. Stephens is the author of this cardinal 
doctrine of the Presidential part3^ On the other hand, Congress maintains 
that enemies vanquished in war, though formerly citizens and equals, can- 
not dictate the terms of adjustment ; nor even enjoy the privileges of a 
constitution which they have violated and sought to destroy, without a 
compliance with those terms which the loyal people may deem essential to 
the public safety. 

The issue is well defined. Shall the Union be restored by usurpation, 
with its attendant political inequality and personal injustice to loyal people, 
and consequent civil war, or by first securing essential guaranties ifor the 
future peace of the country, and then accepting the States recently in 
rebellion as equals, and the people of those States as friends and citizens 
with us of a common country ? 

The question is oot whether the Union shall be restored : the Republican 
party contemplates and seeks this result. But the question is, shall the 
Union be restored by usurpation, — by a policy dictated by the Rebels, and 
fraught with all the evils of civil war ? The seizure of the government 
in the manner contemplated by J jhnson and his associates destroys at 
once the public credit, renders the public securities worthless for the time, 
overthrows the banking system, bankrupts the trading class, prostrates 
the laborers, and ends, finally, in general financial, industrial, and social 
disorder. 



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